Sunday, 11 January 2009

Comentario de Herman Dermer Sobre el Conflicto Israelí-Palestino

El siguiente es el testimonio de Herman Dermer, un colombiano que vive en Israel hace muchos años y que ha compartido su visión del actual conflicto con los lectores de Market Memorandum. A Herman, mil gracias por su colaboración, y a Uds., queridos lectores, espero les guste y les haga reflexionar sobre la situación que se está viviendo en la franja de Gaza.


Los israelíes, solamente llevamos 8 años soportando la artillería de cohetes de Hammas. Muchas víctimas en estos 8 años, de las que nadie hablo. Mucha destrucción que a nadie le importo. Ninguna manifestación se escucho en el mundo respaldando a los niños de Sderot, que diariamente, tienen que correr hacia los refugios seis o siete veces. Alguien preguntó por los ancianos de Beer Sheva, que prefieren quedarse en sus casas esperando al impacto, pues de todas formas el esfuerzo de correr a los sótanos los puede matar? Alguien preguntó por la hija de 5 años de mi amigo Isaac, que junto con su abuela voló por los aires hace unos años, solo por estar al lado de un energúmeno que le prometieron 72 vírgenes si se hacía explotar en Guivat Ha Zarfatim-Jerusalem? Por qué cuándo el fuego proviene de Hammas, se escuchan en los reportajes palabras como ''resistencia, mártir, se inmoló, la causa, frustración´´? Por qué esas palabras no se escuchan desde el lado Israelí? sólo escuchamos ''masacre, cobardes, baño de sangre, crimen ...´´


Será que a los israelíes no nos duelen nuestros muertos? quién nos defendió entonces? y quién nos defiende ahora? Alguien sabe cuántos años lleva Israel conteniendo su fuerza "infinitamente superior"? Alguien sabe de dónde viene esa fuerza superior? Viene de la nada? O viene de la solidaridad internacional del pueblo judío. Alguien recuerda ahora a los hombres bomba que se explotaron un día sí y otro también en centros comerciales, buses, colegios, discotecas, apuntándole exclusivamente a la población civil, sin errores, sin victimas militares?


Alguien recuerda los 40 misiles Scud que Irak disparó contra Israel, sin ésta estar involucrada y sin recibir fuego a cambio? Alguno de ustedes tiene en su alacena mascaras antigases, jeringuillas de atropina o vestimentas especiales para defender a usted y su familia de las armas químicas? Yo sí tengo.
No sabe el mundo cuanto nos duelen nuestros muertos. El circo mediático transmite sin comentarios, como los buldóceres destruyen la casa de la familia del bombardero suicida de Hammas. El mundo aprecia con beneplácito como los miembros de Hammas bailan y cantan en las calles, y reparten dulces a los niños como si de una fiesta se tratara cuando logran acabar con algunos de los nuestros. Alguien vió alguna vez imágenes de israelíes bailando y cantando por la muerte de algún ciudadano palestino? Alguien vió alguna vez los cadáveres producidos en estos 60 años de historia expuestos como macabros trofeos en el lado israelí del conflicto? Qué cree el mundo -- que nos tenemos que quedar impávidos mientras nos atacan? Cuánto tiempo es posible aguantar tu fuerza? Cuándo es suficiente después de cuantas victimas? Después de cuantas viudas? Cuándo se debe dar el golpe en la mesa y decir ''es suficiente´´?


Ni la prensa internacional, ni la ONU, ni la Comunidad Europea, ni los miles de personas que hoy se manifiestan alrededor del mundo en apoyo al pueblo palestino nos ayudaron en el pasado y por todo lo que hemos visto tampoco lo harán en el futuro. Sólo nosotros mismos podemos defendernos. Tenemos la obligación. Lo estamos haciendo y lo haremos.


No es el deseo ni del pueblo de Israel ni de su gobierno el de acabar con el pueblo palestino. El pueblo palestino es un rehén de un movimiento extremista y demencial que ha tomado su vocería. No les pido que lo entiendan. Es absolutamente imposible abstraerse del circo mediático que juega con el dolor de las víctimas de un pueblo martirizado desde adentro por hombres que no les importa entregar hasta la última gota de sangre de sus mujeres y niños en pos de su fín, que no es la paz, sino es la destrucción del enemigo.
El ejército de Israel entró a Gaza a cumplir unos objetivos. No se retirará de allí hasta que los cumpla. Dentro de estos objetivos no está la muerte de civiles, ni la destrucción del pueblo palestino, ni siquiera la destrucción de Hammas. El objetivo es que nos dejen vivir en paz dentro de nuestra frontera.
Ojala que Hammas -- dentro de su demencia -- desista de seguir hostigándonos y que la paz vuelva a Gaza y Palestina; que, algún día, aún en nuestra generación, el estado palestino florezca por la ayuda de sus hermanos Árabes, así como Israel ha florecido en el desierto por la solidaridad de los judíos de todo el mundo.

2 comments:

  1. Herman, no podria estar mas de acuerdo. Mil gracias por compartir de tan elocuente forma la opinion que tantos compartimos. Invito a los leyentes a leer tambien el articulo del NY Times "Israelis United on Gaza War as Censure Rises Abroad" siguiendo este enlace: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/13/world/middleeast/13israel.html?partner=permalink&exprod=permalink
    Ojala el Sr Jose Gandour participe en esta discusion de una manera constructiva y no se limite simplemente a tachar de ignoarntes a quienes no estan de acuerdo con sus opiniones simplemente por generar polemica.

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  2. Israelis United on Gaza War as Censure Rises Abroad

    By ETHAN BRONNER

    Published: January 12, 2009

    JERUSALEM — To Israel’s critics abroad, the picture could not be clearer: Israel’s war in Gaza is a wildly disproportionate response to the rockets of Hamas, causing untold human suffering and bombing an already isolated and impoverished population into the Stone Age, and it must be stopped.

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    Moises Saman for The New York Times
    In Sderot, Israelis stood at the site of a destroyed home that was hit by a rocket fired from Gaza.

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    Moises Saman for The New York Times
    An Israeli woman stands near a wall pockmarked by shrapnel from a Palestinian rocket in Beer Sheva, Israel.
    Yet here in Israel very few, at least among the Jewish population, see it that way.

    Since Israeli warplanes opened the assault on Gaza 17 days ago, about 900 Palestinians have been reported killed, many of them civilians. Red Cross workers were denied access to scores of dead and wounded Gazans, and a civilian crowd near a United Nations school was hit, with at least 40 people killed.

    But voices of dissent in this country have been rare. And while tens of thousands have poured into the streets of world capitals demonstrating against the Israeli military operation, antiwar rallies here have struggled to draw 1,000 participants. The Peace Now organization has received many messages from supporters telling it to stay out of the streets on this one.

    As the editorial page of The Jerusalem Post put it on Monday, the world must be wondering, do Israelis really believe that everybody is wrong and they alone are right?

    The answer is yes.

    “It is very frustrating for us not to be understood,” remarked Yoel Esteron, editor of a daily business newspaper called Calcalist. “Almost 100 percent of Israelis feel that the world is hypocritical. Where was the world when our cities were rocketed for eight years and our soldier was kidnapped? Why should we care about the world’s view now?”

    Israel, which is sometimes a fractured, bickering society, has turned in the past couple of weeks into a paradigm of unity and mutual support. Flags are flying high. Celebrities are visiting schoolchildren in at-risk areas, soldiers are praising the equipment and camaraderie of their army units, and neighbors are worried about families whose fathers are on reserve duty. Ask people anywhere how they feel about the army’s barring journalists from entering Gaza and the response is: let the army do its job.

    Israelis deeply believe, rightly or wrongly, that their military works harder than most to spare civilians, holding their fire in many more cases than using it.

    Because Hamas booby-traps schools, apartment buildings and the zoo, and its fighters hide among civilians, it is Hamas that is viewed here as responsible for the civilian toll. Hamas is committed to Israel’s destruction and gets help and inspiration from Iran, so that what looks to the world like a disproportionate war of choice is seen by many here as an obligatory war for existence.

    “This is a just war and we don’t feel guilty when civilians we don’t intend to hurt get hurt, because we feel Hamas uses these civilians as human shields,” said Elliot Jager, editorial page editor of The Jerusalem Post, who happened to answer his phone for an interview while in Ashkelon, an Israeli city about 10 miles from Gaza, standing in front of a house that had been hit two hours earlier by a Hamas rocket.

    “We do feel bad about it, but we don’t feel guilty,” Mr. Jager added. “The most ethical moral imperative is for Israel to prevail in this conflict over an immoral Islamist philosophy. It is a zero sum conflict. That is what is not understood outside this country.”

    It is true that there are voices of concern here that the war may be outliving its value. Worries over the risk to Israeli troops and over even steeper civilian casualties as the ground war escalates have produced calls to declare victory and pull out.

    For many of the 1.4 million Israelis who are Arabs, the war has produced a very different feeling, a mix of anger and despair. The largest demonstration against the war so far, with some 6,000 participants, was organized by an Arab political party. But that is still distinctly a minority view. Polls have shown nearly 90 percent support for the war thus far, and street interviews confirm that Israelis not only favor it but do so quite strongly. The country’s leaders, while seeking an arrangement to stop Hamas’s ability to rearm, do not want a face-saving agreement. They want one that works, or else they want to continue the war until Hamas has lost either its rockets or its will to fire them.

    Boaz Gaon, a playwright and peace activist, said he found it deeply depressing how the Israeli public had embraced the military’s arguments in explaining the deaths of civilians. But he was livid at Hamas, both for what it had done to its own people and civilians in the south, and for its impact on the Israeli left.

    “Hamas has pushed Israeli thinking back 30 years,” he said. “It has killed the peace camp.”

    Moshe Halbertal, a left-leaning professor of philosophy at the Hebrew University, helped write the army’s ethics code. He said he knew from personal experience how much laborious discussion went into deciding when it was acceptable to shoot at a legitimate target if civilians were nearby, adding that there had been several events in this war in which he suspected that the wrong decision had been made.

    For example, Israel killed a top Hamas ideologue, Nizar Rayyan, during the first week of the war and at the same time killed his four wives and at least nine of his children. Looking back at it, Mr. Halbertal disapproves, assuming that the decision was made consciously, even if Mr. Rayyan purposely hid among his family to protect himself, as it appears he did. Yet almost no one here publicly questioned the decision to drop a bomb on his house and kill civilians; all the sentiment in Israel was how satisfying and just it was to kill a man whose ideology and activity had been so virulent and destructive.

    But Mr. Halbertal takes quite seriously the threat that Hamas poses to Israel’s existence, and that issue affects him in his judgments of the war.

    “Rockets from Hamas could eventually reach all of Israel,” he said. “This is not a fantasy. It is a real problem. So there is a gap between actual images on the screen and the geopolitical situation.

    “You have Al Jazeera standing at Shifa Hospital and the wounded are coming in,” he continued, referring to an Arab news outlet. “So you have this great Goliath crushing these poor people, and they are perceived as victims. But from the Israeli perspective, Hamas and Hezbollah are really the spearhead of a whole larger threat that is invisible. Israelis feel like the tiny David faced with an immense Muslim Goliath. The question is: who is the David here?”

    The war, of course, is portrayed differently here and abroad. What Israelis see on the front pages of their newspapers and on their evening broadcasts is not what the rest of the world is reading and seeing. Israeli news focuses on Israeli suffering — the continuing rocket attacks on Israel, the wounded Israeli soldiers with pictures from Gaza coming later. On a day last week when the foreign news media focused on Red Cross allegations of possible war crimes, Israeli news outlets played down the story.

    But the Israeli news media are not so much determining the national agenda as reflecting it. Even the left and what was long called the peace camp consider this conflict almost entirely the responsibility of Hamas, and thus a moral and just struggle.

    “By this stage in the first and second Lebanon wars, there were much larger street demonstrations, vigils and op-ed pieces,” said Janet Aviad, a former sociologist and peace activist. “But in this case, the entire Israeli public is angry at the immoral behavior of Hamas.”

    The writer A.B. Yehoshua, who opposes Israel’s occupation and promotes a Palestinian state, has been trying to explain the war to foreigners.

    “ ‘Imagine,’ I tell a French reporter, ‘that every two days a missile falls in the Champs-Élysées and only the glass windows of the shops break and five people suffer from shock,’ ” Mr. Yehoshua told a reporter from Yediot Aharonot, a Tel Aviv newspaper. “ ‘What would you say? Wouldn’t you be angry? Wouldn’t you send missiles at Belgium if it were responsible for missiles on your grand boulevard?’ ”


    A version of this article appeared in print on January 13, 2009, on page A1 of the New York edition.

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